Andressa Butture Kniess

Este artigo apresenta um estudo das estratégias adotadas pelos candidatos à Presidência da República nos debates televisivos nas eleições brasileiras de 2018, considerando a relevância histórica deste objeto de estudo para as disputas majoritárias no Brasil. Para tanto, analisam-se aspectos simbólicos da participação dos candidatos, observando três principais características: estratégias discursivas, foco da estratégia e atributo predominante no discurso. A metodologia é Análise de Conteúdo quantitativa, sendo o corpus formado por 795 participações em sete debates transmitidos pela televisão durante o primeiro turno da disputa presidencial de 2018. Os resultados apontam que os candidatos atacaram principalmente atributos políticos dos oponentes. Os ataques foram feitos majoritariamente por candidatos desafiantes e direcionados principalmente aos candidatos do PT e MDB, os dois últimos partidos à frente do Governo Federal. Além disso, observa-se como, comparativamente, o petista Haddad foi aquele que mais recorreu à defesa como estratégia discursiva.

The objective of this article is to analyze the content of public communications in situations of political crisis. We aim to establish whether and to what extent there was partisan instrumentalization of the digital social media channels administered by State institutions during the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. We analyzed all posts published between 2015 and 2016 on the official Twitter profiles of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies, Federal Senate,
Presidential Palace and Federal Supreme Court. We considered all posts with the words ‘impeachment’, ‘impedimento’, (‘impeachment’) ‘afastamento’, (‘impeachment’) and ‘golpe’ (‘coup’) (n=795). Our methodology comprised a combination of quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (content analysis) strategies. We found that the Federal Senate’s twitter profile mostfrequently posted the word ‘impeachment’, while the term ‘golpe’
was most frequently posted by the Presidential Palace profile. Over half of the publications fit into the category of ‘dissemination of news’. The Presidential Palace’s Twitter profile exhibited a distinct pattern of behavior, predominantly posting tweets associated with the ‘promotion of ideas and expression of positions’. Therefore, the Presidential Palace favored a communications strategy with a partisan bias. This research is relevant as it uses empirical data to discuss phenomena tied to studies on public and political communication.

The objective of this article is to analyze the content of public communications in situations of political crisis. We aim to establish whether and to what extent there was partisan instrumentalization of the digital social media channels administered by State institutions during the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. We analyzed all posts published between 2015 and 2016 on the official Twitter profiles of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies, Federal Senate, Presidential Palace and Federal Supreme Court. We considered all posts with the words ‘impeachment’, ‘impedimento’, (‘impeachment’) ‘afastamento’, (‘impeachment’) and ‘golpe’ (‘coup’) (n=795). Our methodology comprised a combination of quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (content analysis) strategies. We found that the Federal Senate’s twitter profile mostfrequently posted the word ‘impeachment’, while the term ‘golpe’ was most frequently posted by the Presidential Palace profile. Over half of the publications fit into the category of ‘dissemination of news’. The Presidential Palace’s Twitter profile exhibited a distinct pattern of behavior, predominantly posting tweets associated with the ‘promotion of ideas and expression. of positions’. Therefore, the Presidential Palace favored a communications strategy with a partisan bias. This research is relevant as it uses empirical data to discuss phenomena tied to studies on public and political communication.

This article has three main objectives: to investigate which journalistic institutions are most used by representatives to consume information; verify the degree of confidence that representatives have in the media; and to examine the degree of efficiency that deputies attribute to  different media platforms regarding self-promotion; based on the results of a face-to-face survey applied to the deputies who held office in the
Legislative Assembly of Paraná (ALEP) in 2016. The forms of use and variations of trust in the media are studied considering political and personal independent variables. We found out that deputies prefer a local journalistic institution to get information; in addition, they tend to consider digital social networks as very efficient for political promotion.

O artigo propõe três objetivos: investigar quais instituições jornalísticas são mais utilizadas por parlamentares com a finalidade de consumir informações; verificar o grau de confiança que os representantes relatam depositar nos media; e examinar o grau de eficiência que deputados atribuem a diferentes plataformas midiáticas com vistas à autopromoção; a partir dos resultados de um survey presencial aplicado aos deputados que exerciam mandato na Assembleia Legislativa do Paraná (ALEP) em 2016. As formas de uso e variações de confiança nos media são diagnosticadas levando-se em conta variáveis independentes de natureza política e pessoal. Descobriu-se que os deputados se informam prioritariamente a partir de uma instituição jornalística local; além disso, eles tendem a considerar as redes sociais digitais muito eficientes para promoção política.